During a breakfast interview on Polsat News, a verbal exchange occurred between Deputy Minister of Culture Jarosław Sellin and opposition MPs when the PiS MP mentioned three Sejm sessions until the end of the term. Opposition MPs inquired about when the third session was to be convened, as it is currently not scheduled. In fact, even two are not scheduled, as the session calendar foresees the conclusion of the 85th session on August 30th and another session in September – on September 11th, 12th, and 13th, 2019. When pressed by Izabela Leszczyna, Sellin admitted that he thought three sessions were planned before the elections.

Zamiłowanie do luksusu na koszt podatników stało się znakiem firmowym PiS:
- loty Kuchcińskiego
- rządowa willa Karczewskiego
- luksusowe mieszkanie Przyłębskiej
- lewe pensje Szydło
- 500 tys. zł premii dla prezesa NBP...
Można długo wymieniać

— Marcin Kierwiński (@MKierwinski) August 11, 2019

- The problem is that it's a systemic problem. Soon you'll have a problem with Karczewski, who is also turning out to be a marshal who likes to fly. Soon, further installments of this scenario will emerge, and the problem is, the real reason for all of this lies in the fact that you, as a team, cannot arrange your lives, your life's achievements, with your own hands, with the experience you have gained. You are a team that builds its life on public funds - stated Bartosz Arłukowicz on TVN24's "Political Bench".

- I want to say one thing. If I see you, if we, our viewers, see you alongside a PiS government and Władek Kamysz as Deputy Prime Minister in a PiS government, I want to say clearly: I won't talk to you - stated Bartosz Arłukowicz on TVN24's "Politicians' Bench".

The upcoming week in politics – a bit shorter due to the so-called long weekend – is primarily a continuation of the election campaign. An officially declared campaign, following the President's decree ordering parliamentary elections on Friday.

It can be assumed that the first political forces will register their electoral committees – the deadline for submissions is August 24th. The Polish People's Party (PSL) plans its election convention, the Left has plans to present its top candidates, and Civic Coalition will approve its electoral lists. PiS is also expected to present its lists, although this was originally scheduled for last week.

This week also marks Polish Army Day, a parade in Katowice, and general promotions within the Armed Forces.

*****

Meeting at the Chancellery of the Prime Minister. - We will invite the heads of all chancellories to work on this law [regulating politician flights] – the President's, both Speakers of Parliament, the Chancellery of the Prime Minister is the leading entity, but also the Civil Aviation Authority and the Ministry of National Defence. A document developed by such a composition would be incomplete, so we will also invite the heads of all parliamentary clubs, individuals delegated by them, so that we can jointly, above party lines, create good law – said Minister Michał Dworczyk at a press conference. A meeting for parliamentary clubs to work together has been scheduled for Monday at 2:00 PM.

The Left's Top Candidates. On Monday at 1:00 PM, a conference of the left-wing coalition SLD-Razem-Wiosna regarding the Senate will take place in front of the Sejm, during which individuals ready to run will be presented. The presentation of the top candidates is planned for Sunday at 1:00 PM. Our sources say that the election convention will take place next week, most likely on August 24th.

General Promotions in the Armed Forces. President Andrzej Duda, at the request of the Minister of National Defence Mariusz Błaszczak, has appointed five officers of the Polish Army to general and admiral ranks. The appointment certificates will be presented by the President on Polish Army Day, August 15th, which is a Thursday.

Parade for Polish Army Day. On Thursday at 2:00 PM in Katowice, a parade will be held to celebrate Polish Army Day. The parade, under the slogan “Faithful to Poland,” according to the Minister of National Defence Mariusz Błaszczak, is intended to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the First Silesian Uprising and to pay tribute to the “inhabitants of Upper Silesia who decided that Silesia became part of Poland.”

Civic Coalition's Candidate Lists. - We are scheduled for August 14th [Wednesday], then we will work on the overall picture, on all lists. We will finalize the lists for the Sejm, accept the lists for the Senate. We are convinced that this will be an even broader composition, that we will be able to treat other representatives in the Senate elections, representatives of opposition parties or circles, in a non-competitive manner. August 16th [Friday] is the last meeting of our joint boards. August 17th [Saturday] National Councils of our groups, invited local government officials. We will then approve the entire list structure and begin the process of registering the electoral committee – said Grzegorz Schetyna at a press conference. Ultimately, according to our sources, the board meeting will take place this Friday, but the National Council – next Monday, August 19th.

PSL Convention. - The National Electoral Convention of the PSL, which will approve the candidate lists and present the list leaders and all others, will take place in Płock on August 17th, in one of the strongest constituencies for the PSL. We are not going alone as a party, we are going with our partners, with UED, with local government officials, NGOs, all those who contact the PSL every day to form the PSL electoral committee – said PSL President Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz at a press conference. August 17th falls on the upcoming Saturday.

Photo: Chancellery of the Prime Minister

- On September 7th, you will hear about Law and Justice's new agricultural program, but I have one request for you. The elections have already been decided. The President has made his decision, the Prime Minister announced it in the Journal of Laws. Elections will be held on October 13th. It is a day of decision for the direction Poland will take. Will it be towards sustainable development, community, and equal rights for Poles, or in the direction it was heading before? And I am speaking only about some aspects of this situation. Therefore, I kindly ask you to remember this, to support us on that day. It is extremely important. We won the last elections convincingly, I'm referring to the European ones, but these are much more important. You must go and vote. I don't know which list yet, as the draw hasn't happened, but vote for the PiS list, for the United Right, because the fate of rural Poland and provincial Poland will be decided here, as well as the fate of those living in cities, even if they are against us - stated Jarosław Kaczyński at a picnic in Zbuczyn.

- I am speaking here particularly about those large cities. But here, the future of our nation will be shaped. We support rural Poland, not only because we believe that every Pole must have genuinely equal rights, not just those written in the Constitution, but because we know that the countryside is the source of values, that Polishness grew from the countryside. And that's why we support rural women's circles, Volunteer Fire Brigades, because these are authentic social movements in the countryside, and we want more of these movements, for them to be stronger, and therefore: this support will be maintained, it will be strengthened - added the PiS leader.

As we wrote a few days ago on 300POLITYKA, a programmatic convention will be held on September 7th, where PiS's program will be presented.

- In this program, which we will present not too long from now, for the next 4 years, the issue of regulating and stabilizing agricultural prices through various means will be central. It will be central, even though we have done a lot in this regard before. The issue of general convenience, comfort of life, opportunities, investments in roads, where possible in railways, their renovation, restoring police stations, sometimes restoring schools, other institutions – all of this is intended to serve the purpose of allowing the countryside, these areas of provincial Poland, to breathe normally again. Because it is an unheard-of paradox that even during the PO-PSL era, national income, the so-called GDP, was growing, not very rapidly, but it was growing, and it turned out that this richer Poland could not maintain what had been maintained before. We remembered this and are changing it with full energy, but we will also be implementing other programs – stated Jarosław Kaczyński at a picnic in Zbuczyna.

One of us encounters Piotr Gliński on a scooter in the evening, crossing at a pedestrian crossing in downtown Warsaw on the eve of the Uprising’s anniversary. He immediately texts him, noting that he didn't wave in greeting. The Deputy Prime Minister must be in a good mood, as he quickly replies: “My apologies, I didn't recognize you, I didn't want to impose, I'll do better on the next scooter. Incidentally, how can one not love the Polish language: 'hulaj' means to ride on one leg :)”.

Taking advantage of his good mood, we arrange to meet the Deputy Prime Minister for a long-postponed interview the next day.

“I was playing basketball. That's why I've only been able to walk for two days. Unfortunately, my spine reacts like that,” Deputy Prime Minister Piotr Gliński greets us at the entrance to his office.

“The President often sees me with this watch because I've been wearing it for a year. My previous one broke. It's just a regular Swatch, I brought it from Switzerland for my daughter, a plastic gadget, but she's stubborn and doesn't wear it. My watch broke, so I borrowed it. And that's how it is,” Gliński laughs. “I don't have time to go to the hairdresser, to the dentist, to buy a new watch. And I wear a special device: costing about 50 PLN, just to have two hands and large numbers...”

Professor Piotr Gliński is perhaps the most decorated intellectual within the Law and Justice (PiS) party. Before entering politics, he chaired the prestigious Polish Sociological Association for six years – a circle from which the most radical critics of the current government emerge. He is probably the only person from that environment who, by his own admission, was not expelled from it.

“I have my profession, to which I can return, if necessary, although many of my colleagues have also cursed me out. I know these people, and I can only smile. Besides, I think Andrzej Zybertowicz is having more trouble now. I was 'cunning' enough to get my professorship earlier, because they probably wouldn't let me have it now either, knowing how things work. The reviewers for both my postdoctoral thesis and my professorship were prominent sociologists who now stand, or would stand if they were alive, some of them at least...”

“On the other side. Definitely.”

“Nothing is over, because politics can always be unpredictable. Something surprising can always happen. Mass phenomena can be unpredictable. In both directions. A tragedy or a miracle can always occur. Who predicted the 10-million-strong 'Solidarity' in communist times?”

“I don't know. I won't give anyone hints or jinx it. Of course, I believe there is a greater probability that we will maintain the stabilization trend, because we are more credible and we work hard. At the same time, we have arguments. I can always engage in a conversation with anyone and say what I have done here, and what my predecessors in this institution did not do. What we have done in Poland, and what our predecessors did not do. I can discuss it and show facts. Why didn't they co-finance the Zagłębie Children's Theatre in Będzin or the AUKSO Orchestra in Tychy, or, symbolically, the 'Śląsk' and 'Mazowsze' ensembles? For how many years. Both were withering, stopped touring abroad, and were jewels of Polish culture. Some tried to mock them, but then came Pawlikowski's film, which, from a completely different perspective, popularized Polish folklore in an unprecedented way. No one made a more 'PiS-like' film than Pawlikowski (laughs). Apparently, Agnieszka Holland's latest film is also the most 'PiS-like' of all recent film productions. I haven't seen it yet, unfortunately. About the mechanisms of Soviet propaganda, the Holodomor in Ukraine.”

The Minister of Culture's office is located on the ground floor of the Potocki Palace, directly opposite the seat of the President of the Republic of Poland. It is very spacious, and through the large windows, one can see the structure of the modern Metropolitan building.

“Above my desk is the first Polish Minister of Culture. Stanisław Kostka-Potocki. A Freemason, but he was good to culture, so he remained, but next to him, just in case, I placed a cross made from a 1050-year-old oak that remembers the Baptism of Poland, which I received from Archbishop Gądecki. They somehow harmonize. As for these trinkets, they are often things I receive from various people. Some are funnily framed, but I really like this portrait of our smiling Pope,” Professor Gliński, at our insistence, "introduces" his office. “There were also large, beautiful portraits of Paderewski and his wife Helena, but I donated them to the Pułaski Museum in Warka, because they were 'podziwanione' (the Polish language is beautiful...) from there.”

The Minister of Culture is not eager to answer the question of who is the most outstanding living Pole, but after insistence, he agrees to give hints about who he considers the best representative of Polish culture in the world:

“People, especially from such a high pedestal, are usually judged after they are gone, after their life's card and fate are closed.”

“Unfortunately, in recent years, several outstanding creators have passed away. The palette has been impoverished. Bogusław Schaeffer recently died, but we still have Krzysztof Penderecki functioning and creating. Of course, he is one of the most outstanding Polish living cultural creators, but let's not make such rankings, because someone could be overlooked in all this commotion, and it would be a shame. Penderecki is certainly one of the most outstanding, which is why I am proud that we have been cooperating very closely in recent years. We supported the festival on the occasion of Professor Penderecki's 85th birthday. We are discussing state care for his work. We recently signed a letter of intent.”

“Yes, it is good that a Pole receives a prestigious award. It would be good if she were a sensible Polish writer who understood Polish society and the Polish community. This is also a message to all outstanding Polish artists who often use very strong words and negative emotions in their public statements. I don't know if Tokarczuk uses them, because I don't recall, but I know that many others have used very inappropriate terms regarding, for example, the Minister of Culture... (laughs)”

“There has never been 1% of the budget for culture. We managed to increase it to over 1% in the very first year,” says Gliński when we start asking about his achievements at the Ministry of Culture.

“This is precisely where the idea that I defend and implement is expressed, namely, the idea of the state's real patronage of culture. The state cannot be indifferent to culture, because culture then dies.”

“We are building a network of museums, co-financing about 30 new institutions, rescuing others, establishing new ones like the Polish Royal Opera, the National Institute of Polish Cultural Heritage Abroad – POLONIKA, the National Institute of Architecture and Urban Planning. We also have a special program supporting creative industries. We have now introduced a law on incentives for audiovisual productions and will, God willing and society permitting, introduce a law on incentives for gaming, for computer game production. Also with a cultural test. These cultural tests function all over the world. It's not something we are imposing.”

“By a part of that environment.”

“Of course, because I am changing reality. That's what a politician is for. I have a mandate to make these changes. Although it is more of a correction than a deep reform, it often causes 'moral panic,' hate, because it disrupts old arrangements, habits, interests. But I respond to criticism with work. The central budget contributes to the functioning of regional institutions. And not only regional, because, for example, the Polish Theatre – speaking of representatives of the circles that sometimes criticize me. Mr. Andrzej Seweryn was here in the first week after we took over the ministry, and we quickly reached an agreement. A valuable theatre, outstanding artists, so funds from the central budget had to be found, and they were struggling there because the Marshal wasn't giving them much. It's a pity, though, that artists with different views were pushed out of there... Yes, we also increased the deduction limit and did a few other things for artists or for the functioning of the environment. What's more, we have also prepared a law that is essentially a constitution for Polish artists, because it will civilize their living conditions. And that's the answer to the question of why I am criticized by the environment.”

“A part of the artistic community does criticize, yes, but that's how it always is in a democracy, that some people criticize. Many of those who criticize me, perhaps not all, are people connected with the previous establishment. That's understandable. They cooperated perfectly well with that establishment. I'm not going into whether they gained or lost from it. In any case, they were the faces, they appeared in various political committees. They engaged in politics by supporting that establishment. I remind you – an establishment that for the last two terms at least led Poland in a state of lacking living, functioning democracy. There was no full democracy in Poland for almost eight years. And that didn't bother various celebrities and defenders of democracy.”

“There are accusations. However, the facts are quite clear. There is a very lively democracy in Poland. I would even say sometimes too lively. Because there are more emotions than rational arguments in democratic disputes. But it's good that there are at least democratic disputes, there are various interest groups. Pluralism of institutions, media.”

“Television in Poland has never been fully objective. Whoever owned the television shaped its vision, and that's completely obvious.”

“I reject that accusation, including what Robert Mazurek writes, who, completely ahistorically, cannot admit or understand that there was no democracy then, and now there is democracy. Consequently, the context also determines the content and character of that medium, because it functions in a different context. And journalists often have to be on the front lines of the fight for Poland. And Mr. Mazurek tells them to shoot blanks...”

“The entire state, media, and foreign support were monopolized by one ideological-political option. And now there is pluralism. There are institutionalized, strong interest groups. Circles that gather around different value systems, different interests, are organized and can conduct a democratic debate. There are free elections. Remember the accusations? The elections were supposed to be massively falsified, or even not happen at all.”

“I have dungeons under this floor here, and I rip out the fingernails of everyone here. I also ripped out Prince Czartoryski's to get him to sell his collection to Poland for pennies. Well, you can hear all sorts of absurdities,” Gliński laughs.

“But seriously: what are the greatest threats to democracy: 1) when the election result does not reflect the will of the voters, 2) when large groups of society, along with the opposition, refuse the mandate to a democratically elected government, 3) when all institutions and media are in one hand. All these cases have occurred and are occurring. And who was and is responsible for them? Does that ring a bell?”

“The facts are as follows: for the last almost two terms, there has been no functioning, living democracy in Poland, because all institutions were in the hands of one option. Then democracy does not function. Regardless of the genesis of this state of affairs. And the genesis is that after 1989, a breakthrough was not introduced in Poland, decommunization, lustration were not introduced, normal conditions for establishing a new political community were not introduced. The consequence of this was that democracy in Poland very often did not function. And a pathological situation occurred in the last two terms, almost complete, because all institutions deciding on the functioning of democracy were in one hand. All large media, powerful media were in the hands of one option. Ideologically, worldview-wise, establishment-wise. Therefore, there is no point in comparing TVP then and now. Then it fit into the general content of the system's functioning. I remember that TVP, because as you may recall, I entered public life in 2012 and immediately encountered the fact that the media either ignored me and wrote absolutely nothing, or grilled me, and that equally across all three television stations. Perhaps with the exception of individual journalists. Annihilate, nullify, or kill. That's what the media was like.”

“Of course, I appeared on TVN because I had to be somewhere. Because all the media were the same. They lied to me, manipulated me to the same extent, never spoke the truth. In Gazeta Wyborcza, on TVN, on TVP and Polsat, with the exception of one journalist. I remember that. And perhaps I could still find such exceptions, so I don't want to say everyone, but these were exceptions of journalistic honesty at that time. Once, for example, I spoke with Danuta Holecka, whom Mr. Mazurek mentioned, in some TV basement, because she was exiled there at that time! Mazurek accuses her, so I want to defend her publicly. She was condemned to function in regional TVP3. On the absolute margins, and I remember she sat in that basement as if in dungeons, and we laughed that we were in the catacombs and that this was a reality that had to be endured. To take it on the chin. She simply behaved like a real – excuse me – man. She took it on the chin, she didn't let herself be fired, because why should a good journalist be fired from TVP? However, she had no influence on its functioning. I remember I visited her once or twice on some completely niche program. So, all media in one hand, all state institutions in one hand, including the Ombudsman, the Supreme Audit Office, etc. Now they at least have some breaches, powerful local governments, we had nothing. Except the will to change.”

“Back then, everything was in one hand, and somehow the monopoly didn't bother anyone. All the large city self-governments were also in one hand. Those that have the greatest influence on the functioning of elites. And great foreign cover from the east and west.”

“The world was satisfied that in Warsaw, as you know the history, there was peace. Great powers pursuing their interests have always been satisfied throughout history if there was peace in Warsaw, and that peace meant that Warsaw was under the Russian boot for 123 years. That's what that 'democracy' looked like. Somehow, it didn't bother anyone. And from this point of view, one must assess what is happening now, and also the position of TVP. TVP is simply defending itself, building some real pluralism in the media. And when there was a certain breach, because 'Rzeczpospolita' started to break away a little, what happened? You remember. A great medium was destroyed, the only, last, large, honest, very good Polish newspaper. Ruthlessly. At night, under a dumpster... And where were those defenders of democracy, the constitution, then?”

“The issue has quieted down politically because we cannot reform everything at once. The laws are prepared, they are in line with European standards, just like in France or Germany. We all know what it's about. Media pluralism must be ensured, because it is the basis for the functioning of democracy, and everyone admits that, certain standards should be met. And we are, of course, ready for this. If society gives its consent, we will do it. Such reforms must always be carried out in an atmosphere of social consent.”

“I don't know how it will be. But that would seem to be the best way. However, there are no such political decisions now, because we also don't want to constantly train Poles with some controversies. We know that we don't have a media advantage and that these slanders will fall on us. So, it is obvious that we have no desire to start any new political controversies. Because for us it is a pro-democratic reform, and for the opposition an opportunity for 'street and abroad.' Such is fate.”

“The fact that they are critical stems from their genesis, because they all originated in a different system or are 'dependent' media...”

“Because fortunately, there is the spirit of Poland. There is such a thing as the Polish spirit. Poland defended itself against the system, at least several times, including in the Third Polish Republic. Yes, it is a kind of miracle that in undemocratic conditions, under the monopoly of one option, it was possible to democratically regain power by another option. By the option that I consider to be the option that can be described as a solidarity, subject-oriented option, because for us, a sovereign Poland with greater scope of sovereignty is very important. For our predecessors, for example, economic development was not a problem if it was dependent. For us, it is a problem, because it is in Poland's interest that this development is not dependent. Because in a situation where we agree to dependence in various areas, sooner or later it ends with the non-fulfillment of our basic interests, and to an extent that exceeds the vital interests of our political community.”

“For the community to be cohesive, and thus to have the strength to break through, endure, and secure the needs of its citizens, it must also be solidary. A community that is not solidary sooner or later perishes. But a community must also be sovereign, care for its identity, because identity also binds us together, not only the current sense of solidarity, but also a certain axiological order that says what is good and what is bad. It is, of course, also diverse today, because people think differently, etc., but a certain canon must be common, and without this common canon, there is no integrated community that has a chance to compete in the world thanks to it. And freedom. Traditional freedom, the great freedom, a Polish value, because without this freedom, there is no creativity, no ability to rebel when necessary.”

“All of this, incidentally, allowed us to win the elections. That's my opinion. Plus contact with people. In a technological sense, the most important thing is direct contact with people, because the message had to reach people. It reached them in such a way that we toured Poland and are still touring constantly. Last Saturday, I was at two picnics, not one. Because you simply have to be with people. There's no way to do it all the time, but there are enough of us, engaged politicians, and we are doing it authentically all the time, not from one event to another.”

“Every government is threatened by something that can be called a weakness for a certain luxury of power. It's completely obvious that it's threatened, but if we compare the proportions of our team and the previous one, they are incomparable. Among other things, because we have President Kaczyński, who has a firm hand and pushes us along. That's a great advantage for us. That the President is authentic and effective here. Yes, he sometimes has a heavy hand, and that's very good, because everyone needs a heavy, or at least a just and effective hand sometimes. Our opposition envies us our president. Do you want to compare it to wine, octopus, cigars? To how many flights Borusewicz or Tusk took, 300? 700? Because they're nitpicking Marek Kuchciński here.”

“Allegedly about 80 flights in four years. 20 flights a year, less than 2 a month?! On official and political matters. In accordance with the law. And how many flights did Tusk take to Gdańsk? 200 or 300? With his daughter's fiancé. With Grasiu, with Grasiu's son... What are we even talking about? What are we comparing? The second person in the state, not the fourth, because the prime minister is only fourth, the second person in the state fulfilling her duties, and a son who is studying in Warsaw.”

“Of course, it's a problem, because it can always be used in the media as an abuse of power, and therefore, if people don't like it, fine, Marek has donated to philanthropic causes, but really, there's nothing to compare here. To a lord living in a manor. And BOR sending for pizza... Come on. But since public opinion doesn't accept it, we'll cut it short. Each of us politicians can perish like this... We must, first of all, be honest (and the Marshal is an honest person), but we must also take care of the message and contact with people, we are responsible for reporting our work to people in the right way. And sometimes that fails. Then you have to take it on the chin and bear the consequences...”

“You're oversimplifying. It's a model of credible authority, and credible authority also assumes a clear division of duties, a hierarchy of tasks performed for the state, for Poland. Yes, many people probably prefer such order to chaos and a situation where the stronger or smarter wins. However, two remarks. First, it is true that Jarosław Kaczyński is an outstanding Polish politician, winning primarily through credibility and a sense of connection with society. Among other things, because his entire political career was a career among people. He always traveled around Poland. He knows every municipality in Poland. And that's a great asset for a politician who is to lead the state, because politics involves mass processes. Apart from each of us having our individual experiences, to be effective in politics, and at the same time to satisfy what politics is for, i.e., human needs and the public good, one must know the country very well, the mentality of the people, those processes of mass changes in attitudes, habits. Jarosław Kaczyński has this. Talk to him and find out about his experiences from all those Polish municipalities he visited, and many times over. That's a great potential. A potential that has been utilized. For the good of Poland.”

“And secondly. In a sense, of course, it is not easy to win when you do not have resources. The theory of social movements, I habilitated in social movements, and among other things, there is this American theory, the resource mobilization theory, which says that resources can be substituted in a social movement, because it is people, money, leadership, wisdom, mobilization, and in addition, context – and these resources can be substituted. Therefore, if you don't have other resources, you have to use what you have. Often, one's own work, an outstanding leader, or determination is what replaces everything else, because it must replace it. Just like in Polish history, even a symbol of tragic events replaced everything else, because there was no money, no connections in the West, no army, and the Warsaw Uprising, which was lost, led to Poland's survival. Or the November and January Uprisings in the 19th century. There was nothing, everything was destroyed, and the symbolic resource could be transformed into something good for the political community. So it is sometimes in politics. We have nothing, but we have to make something out of what we have, what is available. And it can be done if you have the will and determination. Why do we, holding power, still work fifteen hours a day? Because we have that determination. It is called Poland and Poles.”

“The previous concept, the neoliberal concept of 'save yourself if you can,' the richest and smartest wins, could not build any community. It could at most build such salon communities. Yes, because people joined, co-opted people from various spheres, artists with politicians, everyone had fun, then we had those pink balloons. That's how it looked, because these people were also uprooted. Plus various life stories, the monstrous post-communism, people who won the transformation, liberals, leftists, individual people who created an external party. All of this combined created some kind of community. But it was not a national community, a society, but an oligarchic community. Because that's how an oligarchic shell is formed.”

“Of course, there probably won't be such programmatic cruisers or battleships, because this is a civilizational-cultural change, this is our 500+. That's how it is in politics, social democrats in the West also built a welfare state. Those state models function to this day. They democratized those societies, they led them ultimately in not the best direction, but not because those people had 500+ or a social program.”

“We are currently ranked among almost Scandinavian countries in world rankings, the Polish social model. Why is there a crisis there? In my opinion, because they lacked an axiological backbone, because they behaved as they did during the war. Cooperating, in Norway, Sweden, doing business with Hitler, pretending to be neutral. Finland can be looked at differently, because it had a very interesting history, it also made U-turns, but the element of Sisu, resistance and national character was very important there. Swedes and Norwegians probably have a problem, because it led to various unresolved issues, artificial multiculturalism, and they will have further problems.”

“Those countries that could not balance these different dimensions of development – liberal, solidarity, subject-oriented with identity-oriented – have a problem. That is why we attach so much importance to historical policy, to talking with Poles about identity. Because without identity, there is no community. Prosperity cannot replace it. Today is a symbolic day. Yesterday, I participated for half a day in the funeral of my mother's commander from the Uprising, Ryszard Białous 'Jerzy.' For us, this is obvious and important. Without all of this, political communities do not exist. Swedes or Norwegians may have forgotten this. I don't know.”

“They will not realize this – the public good – because they are hostages of other circles and another value system. They are incapable of doing it systemically. And Poles, some rationally, others intuitively, I'm talking about the growing group of Poles who are building the Polish community, who support us, probably realize this. That some people are trying to conduct politics as it should be, to serve the public good, and are credible in this, while others were not credible when they were in power, they destroyed Polish democracy, because it was also destroyed by this element, which we are not talking about today, the element of excessive emotions, which was used to annihilate opponents. I am talking, among other things, about the contempt industry. The contempt industry is a technology for maintaining power. For building a monopoly. According to the principle: everyone else, not us, should be excluded. So, also in terms of emotions, language, imposing concepts and narratives. And this is extremely destructive for democracy. So, even in this dimension, there was no real democracy in Poland before. Bad emotions and deceitful language destroyed it.”

“I wasn't joking. You didn't keep your word (laughs). And Poland is very beautiful. Do you know how beautiful Kashubia looks now, for example? I travel by car a lot. How the grains look now. Kurpie? There's almost no region of Poland, maybe you'll catch me on something, that I wouldn't know. In Kurpie, I even have a hectare of seventh-class sand in the Pisz Forest in Rozogi. In Faryny, actually, but the Rozogi municipality. I know these areas from kayaking, from sailing, because I always went to Masuria from a young age. I still have a boat in Piaski on Lake Bełdany. I haven't been for a few years because work doesn't allow it, it's standing there somewhere, but it's not rotting. My young cousins take care of it.”

• In Poland, television has never been fully objective. Whoever owned the television shaped its vision, and that is entirely obvious - said Piotr Gliński in an interview with 300POLITYKA, when asked if, looking at TVP, he believes it represents the model of public media as it should be.

– A part of the artistic community, yes, they criticize, but in a democracy, it's always the case that some people criticize. A large portion of these individuals who criticize me, perhaps not all, are people associated with the previous establishment. That's understandable. They cooperated perfectly well with that establishment. I'm not going to delve into whether they profited or lost from it. In any case, they were the faces, they appeared in various political committees. They engaged in politics by supporting that establishment. I remind you – an establishment that, for at least the last two preceding terms, led Poland in a state of lacking a vibrant, functioning democracy. There was no full democracy in Poland. For almost eight years. And this didn't bother various celebrities and defenders of democracy – said Piotr Gliński in a conversation with 300POLITYKA.

Asked if there is democracy at the moment, as there are accusations that there isn't, the Deputy Prime Minister replied: – There are accusations. However, the facts are quite obvious. Democracy in Poland is very much alive. I would even say that sometimes it's too alive. Because there is more emotion than rational arguments in democratic disputes. But it's good that there are at least democratic disputes, there are various interest groups. Pluralism of institutions, media.