The President has signed an amendment to the excise duty act and certain other acts – the Presidential Chancellery informed.

- The President has repeatedly emphasized that any act that is pro-social, that serves Poles, will be signed by him. And that is the case in this situation. The President has signed the act we are discussing here (...) As I understand, it will be published in the Journal of Laws on Monday. And it will come into effect from January 1, 2019. We are pleased that the government has addressed this important issue - said Błażej Spychalski on Polsat News.

Kulesza zadał się z Korwinem i już bredzi w sprawie Putina. czekam jeszcze żeby pochwalił Hitlera i dowalił niepełnosprawnemu Libickiemu, który siedzi obok... to jednak zaraźliwy wirus

— KrzysztofSietczyński ???????????? (@ksietczynski) 30 grudnia 2018

- If almost all parliamentary forces unanimously supported the bill [on electricity prices] in the Sejm, if the Senate adopted the act almost unanimously… Of course, one can say that it could have looked better, been created earlier, that's clear. However, if almost all parliamentary, political forces support the bill, it's hard for the president not to fulfill the parliament's will and not sign this act that has reached him - stated Błażej Spychalski on TVN24's "Kawa na ławę" (Coffee on the Table), hosted by Krzysztof Skórzyński today.

- Three years of your government is your full responsibility for doing nothing in energy policy that would have prevented prices in Poland from rising so dramatically. It has come to the point where the head of the Energy Regulatory Office (URE) is reporting to the prosecutor's office concerning a potential price-fixing cartel among the largest energy companies, which are under the purview of the Minister of Energy and the Prime Minister. In recent months, energy prices have been skyrocketing on the stock exchange. You did not react - stated Sławomir Neumann on TVN24's "Kawa na ławę" (Coffee on the Table).

- Suddenly, a warning light went on because the feel-good atmosphere before the holidays ended, realizing that with elections next year, price hikes of several dozen percent won't be a good idea. You started making panicked moves and are now looking for responsibility in the years 2008-2014. It's shameful to even say something like that - he added.

- In 2007, Lech Kaczyński negotiated the climate package, and in 2008, when it was adopted, he celebrated alongside Prime Minister Tusk that it had been unanimously approved. And in 2014, Ewa Kopacz's government negotiated free emissions, and in 2015, when Prime Minister Szydło became Prime Minister, she signed this pact and told the media it was a great, significant success - stated the head of the Civic Platform (PO) club.

- The President signed the act [amendment to the Supreme Court Act], and sent it to the Chancellery of the Prime Minister. As far as I recall, according to the law, the Prime Minister has 10 days to publish this act, and I assume it will probably be published within that timeframe - stated Błażej Spychalski on TVN24's "Kawa na ławę" (Coffee on the Bench).

Information about the possible nomination of Adam Andruszkiewicz as Deputy Minister of Digitization or the turmoil surrounding the amendment to the Supreme Court Act only confirms the "good change" camp's fatigue, which naturally consists of more elements. Despite a recent attempt to go on the offensive, PiS enters 2019 in a decidedly different position than it entered 2018. Small things – like the recent publications about the "Independence Benches" – gradually accumulate and form a larger picture.

According to our conversations, Andruszkiewicz's probable entry into the government was not met with a warm reception even within the ruling camp itself. One politician close to PiS even notes an inconsistency: on the one hand, Krystyna Pawłowicz is being marginalized, at least for the campaign, while on the other, Andruszkiewicz is being accepted. This clashes with PiS's new tactics, presented at the recent December conventions.

It is difficult to even understand the political rationale behind such a move. Five MPs from the "Wolni i Solidarni" (Free and United) club do not constitute a political force that would determine election outcomes. With 237 MPs in the Sejm, PiS has no problem passing legislation. Practically all key projects have been voted through without issues. Such a transfer might have been acceptable at the beginning of the term, but not on the eve of a campaign – now the opposition will certainly bring up the issue of mileage allowances or the illegal convening of assemblies via social media, and comparisons to Misiewicz will also return. In other words, the cons outweigh the pros (if any exist at all).

Similar inconsistent actions are visible regarding the recent amendment to the Supreme Court Act. Why did they backtrack on removing Małgorzata Gersdorf on November 21st in express mode, only for the amendment still not to be published over a month later? The issue of the judiciary thus returns to the headlines, even though the matter could have been closed long ago. In the age of internet portals and 24-hour television, publishing the law at a time convenient for the government – even on New Year's Eve – will not make the topic disappear.

The high salaries of President Adam Glapiński's NBP associates and the confusion surrounding energy prices also caused considerable stir. Ultimately, parliament passed the relevant law at an additional session, which was then swiftly signed and will be published just as quickly. However, this topic dragged on for several weeks, and the public even witnessed internal government consultations. This is reminiscent of the situation with the free November 12th holiday – the intentions were noble, but the execution was mediocre.

The budget surplus – which will of course turn into a deficit at the end of the year – or more broadly, good economic results, are not translating as strongly into social emotions. While the past year may have been the best for Poles since 1989, PiS is not the polling hegemon that the Civic Platform once was. Even postponing the vote on the 2019 budget to mid-January only fueled discussions about early elections, although such a scenario seems unlikely. It's a bit like the situation in 2007 – while maintaining all proportions – when the economy was also in good condition, and PiS nevertheless lost.

The ruling camp creates problems that it then solves itself. For previous problems – including the motion to the Constitutional Tribunal that was supposed to create grounds for accusations of Polexit – Zbigniew Ziobro was blamed, although the Tribunal itself published it. Now, however, it is difficult to blame the coalition partner from Solidarna Polska for anything. It is therefore not surprising that while PiS maintains its advantage, it is not as spectacular as it once was. Even the latest CBOS polls show a certain decline in the ruling camp's standing.

PiS has fulfilled a large part of its commitments and now – somewhat paradoxically – is stumbling over small things. New proposals – primarily tax-related – are to be presented in January, and indeed, after the rapid implementation of the 500+ program or the lowering of the retirement age, Poles may once again trust Jarosław Kaczyński's party. But the almost year-long campaign is still ahead of us, and PiS is entering it in a different position than it seemed just 4-5 months ago.

Photo: 300POLITYKA